With the definition of biopower, a political science reflection is inaugurated that has transformed the relationship between power and the body: the ancient right to kill and let live has become the right to let live and the right to kill. In this context, the topic of surrogacy, of “procreation for others”, or in other words, “surrogate motherhood”, finds its frame of reference as an object of knowledge and an objective of biopolitics. The legislative landscape of European countries on this issue is very varied. The case of England is emblematic: it was the first country to legalize surrogacy, provided that the woman is fully aware of what she is committing to, and provided that the child remains with the surrogate mother in the first months of life. In Italy, since the approval of law 40, as many as 4000 couples have gone abroad to be able to do something that is not allowed in Italy, and all over the world there is talk of a real industry. It seems that surrogacy is a business that has a turnover of three billion euros and is growing by 20% a year, exploiting three important aspects: the culture of the right to parenthood at any cost, the extreme poverty in which many women still live in many countries and, finally, a technology that wants to go ever beyond natural boundaries. One of the reflections that immediately emerges from the topic addressed is that of poverty, a “multidimensional” poverty, a condition for all this machine to be able to stand and proliferate. First of all, there is the biological poverty of a mother who cannot have children and who is forced to give up her desire to be a mother; to this is added economic poverty, legislative poverty, cultural poverty, genetic poverty and the affective poverty of a woman forced to give birth to a child that she does everything she can to forget since that child does not belong to her. What we are witnessing is a cultural transformation, “a substantial reversal in the economic categories of the mother-child relationship.
Con la definizione di biopotere si inaugura una riflessione politologica che hatrasformato il rapporto tra il potere ed il corpo: l’antico diritto di far morire e di lasciar vivereè diventato il diritto di far vivere e il diritto di lasciar morire. Su questo abbrivio il temadella surrogacy, della ‘generazione per altri’, o altrimenti detto, della ‘maternità surrogata’trova il suo contesto di riferimento come oggetto di sapere e obiettivo della biopolitica. Ilpanorama legislativo dei paesi europei su questo tema è molto variegato. Emblematico è ilcaso dell’Inghilterra che è stato il primo paese a legalizzare la maternità surrogata, purchéla donna sia pienamente consapevole di ciò a cui si è impegnata, e purché il bambino resticon la madre gestante nei primi mesi di vita. In Italia, dall’approvazione della legge 40 adoggi, sono ben 4000 le coppie che vanno all’estero per poter realizzare quanto in Italianon è consentito, e in tutto il mondo si parla di una vera a propria industria. Sembra chel’utero in affitto costituisca un business che fattura tre miliardi di euro e che cresca del20% l’anno, sfruttando tre aspetti importanti: la cultura del diritto alla genitorialità a qualunquecosto, la povertà estrema in cui vivono ancora molte donne in molti paesi e, infineuna tecnologia che desidera andare sempre oltre i confini naturali. Una delle riflessioniche emerge in modo immediato dal tema affrontato è quello della povertà, una povertà«multidimensionale», condizione perché tutta questa macchina possa reggersi e proliferare.Prima di tutto vi è una povertà biologica di una madre che non può avere figli e che ècostretta a non poter appagare il suo desiderio di generatività; a questa si aggiungono unapovertà economica, una povertà legislativa, una povertà culturale, una povertà genetica eduna povertà affettiva di una donna costretta a mettere alla luce un figlio che fa di tutto perdimenticare dal momento che quel figlio non le appartiene. Quello a cui si sta assistendoè una trasformazione culturale, «un capovolgimento sostanziale nelle categorie economichedella relazione madre-figlio.
Maternità surrogata: questione di biopolitica?
VILLANI N
2017-01-01
Abstract
With the definition of biopower, a political science reflection is inaugurated that has transformed the relationship between power and the body: the ancient right to kill and let live has become the right to let live and the right to kill. In this context, the topic of surrogacy, of “procreation for others”, or in other words, “surrogate motherhood”, finds its frame of reference as an object of knowledge and an objective of biopolitics. The legislative landscape of European countries on this issue is very varied. The case of England is emblematic: it was the first country to legalize surrogacy, provided that the woman is fully aware of what she is committing to, and provided that the child remains with the surrogate mother in the first months of life. In Italy, since the approval of law 40, as many as 4000 couples have gone abroad to be able to do something that is not allowed in Italy, and all over the world there is talk of a real industry. It seems that surrogacy is a business that has a turnover of three billion euros and is growing by 20% a year, exploiting three important aspects: the culture of the right to parenthood at any cost, the extreme poverty in which many women still live in many countries and, finally, a technology that wants to go ever beyond natural boundaries. One of the reflections that immediately emerges from the topic addressed is that of poverty, a “multidimensional” poverty, a condition for all this machine to be able to stand and proliferate. First of all, there is the biological poverty of a mother who cannot have children and who is forced to give up her desire to be a mother; to this is added economic poverty, legislative poverty, cultural poverty, genetic poverty and the affective poverty of a woman forced to give birth to a child that she does everything she can to forget since that child does not belong to her. What we are witnessing is a cultural transformation, “a substantial reversal in the economic categories of the mother-child relationship.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.